Posted by: dare2bare | January 12, 2010

China pledges more investment, religious controls in Tibet

Demonstrations in Lhasa that turned deadly on March 14, 2008 made the Chinese central government more aware of the economic roots of unrest in Tibet, although widespread demonstrations across the plateau were officially blamed on separatists loyal to the Dalai Lama, Tibet’s exiled spiritual leader.

Economic growth for the remote region is targeted at 12 percent, and fixed asset investment at 18 percent in 2010, regional governor Qiangba Pingcuo announced this weekend, following estimated economic growth of over 12 percent in 2009.

Qiangba also said that the government planned to finish registering the qualifications of all living Buddhas, monks and nuns, in a speech on priorities for the upcoming year.

Tibet’s monasteries are kept under a close watch by Chinese authorities, since the monks and nuns have often called for more freedoms for Tibetans as well as maintaining links to the exile community.

Tibet’s economy has grown more quickly than the rest of China, sped by the completion of a railway to Lhasa and large mining projects, but those projects have also brought more Chinese migrants to Tibet, leading to many Tibetans’ perceptions that they have been left out of economic growth.

Since the demonstrations, the government boosted training programs and subsidies to raise employment in Lhasa, the Xinhua news agency said in a separate report Monday, which also implicitly recognized the economic roots to the unrest.

The new investment targets helped lift Tibet-related stocks on Chinese stock markets Monday. Engineering and construction firm Tibet Tianlu jumped by over 7 percent on Monday, while Tibet Tourism and agriculture-to-Internet conglomerate Tibet Galaxy rose by 10 percent.

The train line to Lhasa, which officially opened in mid-2006, has enabled large-scale mining projects in Tibet, including the Yulong copper deposit, under development by Western Mining and Zijin Mining Group Co Ltd. Spurs to other Tibetan cities are expected to be completed this year.

The Tibetan demonstrations were followed by far more violent riots in July 2009 in Urumqi, capital of another ethnically distinct region where locals feel they are not benefiting from China’s economic development.

(Reporting by Lucy Hornby; Editing by David Fox)

Posted by: dare2bare | January 4, 2010

Reclaiming Tibetan bRla Srog, our consciousness!

By Tenzin Nyinjey

China has not only occupied our country, but it is currently even colonising it. No one can deny this fact, not even the Chinese themselves. And like all colonising states, China is no exception: it feeds on the exploitation of the native population — exploiting not just the physical attributes of our country, that is our mountains, water, minerals, rivers, air, and wild life, but also our country’s very own soul by attempting to systematically destroy our more than two- thousand-year-old cultural heritage.

In short, one doesn’t need to be a thousand-eyed Chenrezig to see what China is doing to us. It is all clear to the naked eye: China consistently suppresses and oppresses and denies the distinct identity and characteristic of Tibet, its very bRla Srog, that is our very own Tibetan soul. In other words, it denies our very existence as a separate people with our own separate history and way of life, created for centuries by the sweat and blood of our forefathers. This cold, determined act is, as Tsering Shakya says, “worse than burying a man alive.”

This denial of our representation, our distinctiveness, our rich, dramatic and diverse culture, religion and history, in brief our very own soul, is the core issue that we have been fighting for the past fifty years. This is, to borrow a phrase the Chinese themselves use, “a struggle of life and death.” There is no middle ground here.

Since China’s policies and practices are to consistently deny (and even attempt to annihilate) the very existence of Tibet’s history and identity, our response should be the opposite: that is we must strongly reinforce and reclaim our separate history and identity. In other words, we have to re-awaken our own submerged Tibetan consciousness by finding greater pride and honour in our true original roots, which spring from the very native soil and dust of Tibet. To put it simply: we need to know who we, and our ancestors, truly are.

This I feel is the need of the hour, the very crux of the matter for young people at present, as the Tibetan saying goes “gal che nang gi don che.”

There is only one way to do this: by making ourselves familiar with all things Tibetan, which is only possible if we return to and absorb ourselves in the original works of Tibetan authors, both religious and secular, including the abundant and rich folk wisdoms of our country, that huge collections of Tibetan literature available in Tibetan libraries. They are our legacy, our inheritance, the rich expression of the very soul of our being. They constitute what we are as Tibetans. Such an effort will help re-awaken our true consciousness as Tibetans.

Besides, a strong grasp of our own native history and identity will help us create original works, of things exclusively Tibetan, be it poetry, music, architecture or painting, thus contributing to the global culture in a positive, creative, recognizable, confident and constructive way. Most important of all, as I said before, this determination will reinforce our identity as Tibetans, to ourselves, separate and distinct not only from the unrelenting Chinese, but also from the cultural dominance of Indians and Americans.

Alas, not many young educated Tibetans in exile, in our struggle to survive and educate ourselves in an alien land, realise this. While we are indeed very familiar with the works of Shakespeare and Homer, most of our ears are strangers to the painful and beautiful sounds and echoes expressed in the original Tibetan works of our very own native poets like Gedhun Chophel and Dhondup Gyal, a clear indication of how far we have been estranged and alienated from our roots!

I believe we have to reverse this trend and reclaim our very consciousness, our bRla srog, our Tibetan-ness, if we are to save our rich nation, which is at this time clearly and truly facing “a death sentence!”

About the author

Tenzin Nyinjey is from  Orissa Tibetan settlement. He is currently studying English Literature at the University of Wyoming in the US.

Posted by: dare2bare | December 30, 2009

Apple censors Dalai Lama IPhone Apps in China

Owen Fletcher, IDG News Service

// Dec 30, 2009 9:10 am

Apple appears to have blocked iPhone applications related to the Dalai Lama in its China App Store, making it the latest U.S. technology company to censor its services in China.

Those apps, which appear in most countries’ versions of the App Store, do not currently appear in the Chinese version. Another app related to Rebiya Kadeer, who like the Dalai Lama is an exiled minority leader reviled by China’s authorities, is unavailable in the China App Store as well. The apparent censorship comes after carrier China Unicom launched iPhone sales two months ago, making regulatory approval of the phone’s contents in the country necessary for the first time.

“We continue to comply with local laws,” Apple spokeswoman Trudy Muller said in an e-mail when asked about the missing apps. “Not all apps are available in every country”

At least five iPhone apps related to the Dalai Lama are unavailable in the China store. Some of those apps — named Dalai Quotes, Dalai Lama Quotes and Dalai Lama Prayerwheel — display inspirational quotes from the Tibetan spiritual leader. Another, Paging Dalai Lama, tells users where he is currently teaching. A fifth app, Nobel Laureates, contains information about Nobel Prize winners including the Dalai Lama.

Test searches done on four out of five iPhones displayed at the Apple Store in Beijing this month returned no results for the term “Dalai.” The apps also did not appear for searches done with a computer on iTunes after switching the country selection in the program to China. One of the iPhones at the Apple Store did display the Dalai Lama apps, though it was unclear why.

Chinese officials condemn the Dalai Lama as a dangerous “splittist” seeking to separate Tibet from China, and have called him a “devil with a human face.” The Dalai Lama fled Tibet in 1959 after Chinese troops crushed an uprising in the capital city of Lhasa, solidifying Chinese control there. The religious figure remains widely revered by Tibetans.

Kadeer, an exiled leader of China’s Uighur minority group, gets similar treatment by Chinese officials and state media. An iPhone app named 10 Conditions, based on a documentary about her life, also did not appear in test searches of the App Store in China.

Apple lets developers choose in which countries’ versions of the App Store to sell their products, but it is unlikely that the Kadeer and Dalai Lama apps are unavailable in China by the choice of their makers. The app about Kadeer was submitted to the App Stores in all countries, James Boldiston, the app’s developer, said in an e-mail. Other developers said they could not recall if they had excluded China, but most had other apps for sale in the China store, showing that in other cases they had included the country.

“Given that Apple has cooperated with China before (by not distributing games), it’s of course very likely that it’s Apple, not the developers, that are preventing certain apps from appearing,” said one China-based app developer, who asked not to be named, in an e-mail. Games were not sold in the China App Store before recent months.

Boldiston and other developers of the missing items said Apple had not told them their apps were unavailable in China.

“I didn’t know the app had been pulled, and wasn’t informed,” said James Sugrue, who designed the Dalai Quotes app. “Apple reserve[s] the right to do this sort of thing, and while from a censorship point of view I disagree with this, I can understand why they did,” he said.

Apple joins other U.S. technology giants including Yahoo and Google that have come under fire for complying with Chinese government demands on sensitive political issues. Human rights advocates criticized Yahoo when Shi Tao, a Chinese journalist, landed a 10-year prison sentence in 2005 partly because of e-mail evidence gained from his private Yahoo account. Yahoo said it was obeying Chinese law by handing the evidence to authorities.

Google has been criticized for offering a censored version of its search engine for China at Google.cn, which blocks pornographic and some politically sensitive search results. Google has similarly said it must follow local laws and regulations.

Chinese authorities previously took aim at Apple last year during the Beijing Olympics, when the U.S. iTunes Music Store was blocked in China after it started selling a new collection of songs about Tibet. The U.S. iTunes Music Store and App Store are both currently accessible from Beijing.

The Chinese iPhone also appears to be subject to the country’s set of Internet controls known by critics as the “Great Firewall.” Searching the App Store for “Falun Gong,” the name of a spiritual sect banned in China as a cult, caused iPhones in the Beijing Apple Store to display a results loading screen indefinitely, though no Falun Gong apps appear to be offered in any countries. In contrast, searches for other terms quickly returned a results page.

Other iPhone apps that might be seen as sensitive by Chinese authorities are still offered in the China App Store. Apps that, for instance, show YouTube videos or let users update their Twitter accounts remain available even though YouTube and Twitter are blocked on the Internet in China.

Posted by: dare2bare | December 28, 2009

Fatal flaws in Chinese law

The Bangkok Post

China is a rapidly emerging nation, in the jargon of the day, but it has shown defects that will prevent it from being a true world power. Industrially and in many economic areas, China measures up to its reputation as a global player. Its defence forces are modernising. But two recent events, at home and abroad, show that Beijing has not earned and cannot command the respect of a 21st century superpower.

The ”state subversion” trial of the dissident Liu Xiaobo failed all possible tests of fairness. Outsiders were not permitted and the witnesses did not testify in public. Mr Liu, a 53-year-old former literature professor, was brought into the court, heard his accusation read, and then was taken away for 11 years in prison, plus two more years of enforced censorship.

The procedure was no trial to determine guilt or innocence. Instead, it was a harsh warning to others who might dare to write or to voice complaints against central authorities.

The second case took place in Cambodia, and the proceedings were even murkier and more opaque than the trial of Prof Liu. Chinese diplomats or other authorities gave Cambodia orders, threats or an ultimatum _ who knows which, or what combination? _ that caused the Hun Sen government to reverse its old policy of granting asylum to political refugees. Now, Cambodia has ”decided” to deport 20 Chinese Uighurs, including two infants back to China. Beijing has said the 20 were criminals, involved in last July’s riots which left at least 197 people dead in Urumqi city and the surrounding Xinjiang Autonomous Region.

China offered no public proof that the Uighur refugees were criminals or violent. The refugees themselves said they feared punishment, jail terms or the death penalty. Cambodian authorities who had previously drawn strong praise from the United Nations for helping refugees from regional minority groups clearly felt the Chinese breath on their back of the neck over the case. It was obviously no coincidence that just days after Cambodia deported the Uighur, China announced 14 separate aid deals, worth US$850 million (30 billion baht).

Like all countries, China uses its diplomatic and economic strength to try to gain its strategic goals. But Beijing officials too often go overboard, seem unwilling to suspend their own questionable beliefs, and consider that there is more than one way to approach an issue and to solve disagreement.

For example, China has bullied Thailand for three decades over the Dalai Lama. The Chinese embassy and senior government officials on visits to Thailand have made it clear there would be severe repercussions if the former Tibetan leader stepped foot on Thai soil. It is a shame that Thai officials have bent to this threat, but there is no reason to make such an issue out of a possible visit to Thailand by a world Buddhist figure. China, of course, made exiled Thai communists welcome and gave them strong support for the violent plans to overthrow the government and institutions of Thailand. Nor has any harm come to Thailand because of failure to crack down on the Falungong group, detested and banned in China.

The single-minded cruelty of the Liu trial and the Uighur deportation is a serious blemish on the makeup of the Chinese administration. It is clear from examples in China and other countries that Prof Liu posed no real threat to central power. Both he and the Uighur families deserved fair hearings instead of the deeply flawed justice of today’s China.

Posted by: dare2bare | December 25, 2009

World versus China on Tibet :The Blind Talking to the Deaf

by Rajinder Puri

Recently Chinese troops threatened Indian workers building a road in Ladakh. They enforced stoppage of work. The Chinese themselves are building air strips for strategic purpose on the border. China curtly dismissed Indian protests. “China has a dispute with India on the border issue. The two sides should work together to ensure peace and stability in the border area until the pending dispute is resolved,” China’s foreign ministry spokesman told media. Defence Minister of State MMP Raju told reporters that China was merely building infrastructure, there was nothing to worry. Home Minister Chidambaram advised media that only after studying the Chinese response will “the government take a view”.

Can capitulation be more shameless?

The questions are:

Why is China acting in this manner? Why is China succeeding in having its way?

 Let us address both questions in that order.

 The short answer to the first question is that China acts the way it does because of Tibet. Until it obtains total success in achieving its goal in Tibet it will not relent.

Its Tibet policy has served it exceedingly well for six decades. Why should China change it? Tibet is crucial for totalitarian China. The minorities in China are roughly 8 percent of the population. The land mass they occupy is almost one third of China. Tibet and Xingjian are China ’s two largest sparsely populated provinces. China is especially paranoid about retaining Tibet because it forcibly annexed it as recently as 1959. Thereby Tibet ceased to be a buffer between China and India, which is the only Asian state that can potentially balance China.

The annexation of an independent Tibet is irrefutably outlined in Claude Arpi’s book, Tibet: The Lost Frontier, which was published last year. Arpi, a Frenchman based in Auroville, is arguably India ’s most effective communicator of the Tibetan cause. He displays the research of a scholar and the insight of a strategist. This year he has written a follow-up book, Dharamsala and Beijing : The Negotiations that Never Were, published by Lancer Publishers. The book is an eye opener. It meticulously describes the entire farcical engagement since inception between Beijing and the Dalai Lama’s aides. It also exposes the pathetic conduct of America and India that witnessed this dialogue.

In 1947 there was no India-China border. There was only the India-Tibet border. Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai hoodwinked Pandit Nehru. From then up till now the Chinese brazenly lied, indulged in doubletalk and blandly denied self evident truths.

From then up till now India and America lamely accepted such contemptuous treatment. In 1954 India and China signed a treaty for 8 years by which among other things India recognized Tibet to be part of China. Beijing violated the assurances given in that treaty by transgressing the border. A confused Nehru decided to keep Parliament in the dark. He persisted with secrecy about Chinese encroachments during the following years. That was when this reviewer through an article in 1960 demanded Nehru’s resignation. As a junior he made this reasonable demand when media doyens critical of Nehru’s China policies such as S Mulgaokar and Frank Moraes could not bring themselves to state this. No wonder it took a child to blurt that the Emperor wore no clothes! Zhou told Nehru that he was ignorant about the McMahon Line until he studied the border problem. And today China claims Arunachal Pradesh to be part of China!

Beijing and Tibet broke ice. Beijing allowed fact-finding missions from Dharamsala to visit Tibet and view its progress. The Chinese genuinely thought that better roads and infrastructure had made Tibetans happy. The frenzied reception given to the Dalai Lama’s representatives by the Tibetans stunned them. Four succeeding missions were doomed to fail. I think the Chinese fail to empathize with Tibet because Tibetans believe in God. Most Chinese don’t. In 2005 former Defence Minister, Army Chief and Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, Chi Haotian, said in a speech: “Maybe you have now come to understand why we … promulgate atheism… if we let all Chinese people listen to God and follow God, who will obediently listen to us and follow us?”

Meanwhile many rounds of border talks between India and China were also held. These talks led nowhere. The door to China was opened in February 1976. Indira Gandhi during the Emergency ignored the Parliamentary resolution forbidding dealing with China until it vacated all illegally occupied territory. She established ambassadorial relations with Beijing. Why did she do this with a country that had betrayed her father and humiliated India? Was it not simply because by that time through Kissinger’s exertions America had opened up to China? The puppeteer could make the puppet somersault. On subsequent contacts Vajpayee, Rajiv Gandhi and Narasimha Rao needlessly kept repeating that Tibet was part of China.

Claude Arpi’s book exposes the painful repetitiveness of all contacts between China and Tibet, between China and the rest of the world. Tibet was like a woodpecker trying to penetrate a block of steel. The Chinese refused to countenance the slightest change in Tibet. In 1988 Dalai Lama made the Strasbourg Proposal and adopted the Middle Way, demanding autonomy instead of independence. Beijing kept calling him a ‘splitter’. China continued to lie and deceive the world to keep talks going. Only once in 60 years did a senior Chinese official speak the truth. In 1980 CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang admitted: “Our party has let the Tibetan people down. We feel very bad!” Very soon he had to eat his words and fall in line. The world kept hoping for China to change. It was a futile hope.

Why have the Chinese succeeded in bringing the rest of the world to its knees? It is because the world is dominated by what I described in 2004 as the Real Axis of Evil comprising corporate America and China.

Arpi’s book recalls the closed door dialogues between the Americans and Deng Xiaoping when relations were thawing. The contemptuous references to India was what bonded the two sides. Kissinger was nauseatingly cloying as he sucked up to the Chinese. President Gerald Ford, not the brightest President, intervened in the talks with no impact. Ridiculing him Lyndon Johnson once said: “Ford needs both hands to find his ass!”

The architect of the evil axis on the American side was Henry Kissinger, once described widely as a war criminal but ending up as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate. A little after Sino-American trade blossomed following Deng’s reforms, Kissinger Associates Inc. took birth. It was a consultancy that acted as facilitator of deals between China and corporate America. Kissinger became the central adviser for the Business Coalition for US-China Trade which has 1000 of the largest American corporations as its members. Kissinger helped set up China International Investment Corporation (CITIC), the Chinese government’s banking merchant for doing business with the US. Kissinger Associates roped in top level former officials including Alexander Haig, former National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft, former Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, international economist Alan Stoga, and investment banker T. Jefferson Cunningham III. No wonder fierce public protest blocked Bush from appointing Kissinger to head the 9/11 Commission. Kissinger was forced to back out. CNN’s Wolf Blitzer asked Kissinger: “Kissinger Associates… has not… detailed the work it does. There is the possibility of a conflict of interest?”

Kissinger replied: “No law firm discloses its clients. I will discuss my clients fully with the counsel of the White House…” Kissinger was comfortable with the White House regardless of which administration governed America. For instance, President Obama’s trusted Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner worked for three years with Kissinger Associates before occupying his current post. Over the years Kissinger Associates has grown exponentially with a reach in all continents. Among other giants the American International Group (AIG), condemned for squandering millions as executive bonuses, is a strategic partner with Kissinger Associates. Kissinger is reputed to be one of the key benefactors of the stimulus bailout after the recent economic meltdown. Kissinger Associates is the shadowy centerpiece of corporate America and business partner of China. Totalitarian China is opaque for foreigners. But it has free access to democratic nations. It creates strong vested interest in their biggest business firms. In democracies big business influences politics. Ergo, China influences policy in democratic nations. With a five to one adverse balance of trade with China, with trillions of dollars held as US Treasury bills by China, is America in any position to confront Beijing?

Why, the US dare not confront even China’s proxy, Pakistan!

Claude Arpi at the conclusion of his book expresses hope that China will change. He points to individuals in China who speak the truth about Tibet, such as Phunwang, the Tibetan communist who led Chinese troops into Tibet. Subsequently he spent years in jail because he tried to faithfully follow Marxism. He was released and was invited to administer Tibet. He refused. He knew how that would end. He stayed on in mainland China. There are Chinese intellectuals like Zhang Boshu and Wang Lixiong who speak objectively and constructively about Tibet. One begs to differ with Arpi. China will not change unless it is compelled. Given the Axis of Evil little hope might be placed on America. Only if India summons the will to detach itself from the coattails of Uncle Sam can China be compelled. After 1962 only once did India assert itself against China. In 1986 Chinese troops encroached into Sumdorong Chu in NEFA, now Arunachal Pradesh. Army Chief General Sundarji airlifted an entire brigade in what was called Operation Falcon to counter the Chinese. Deng Xiaoping warned that China would “teach India a lesson”. War seemed imminent. Sundarji was criticized The General stood firm and was prepared to quit. The government buttoned its lip. The Chinese backed down. Today there are effective ways of calling China’s bluff to enforce its climb down without resort to military action. It is futile to outline them given a government incapable of independent action. Until India summons the will to act independently it must live with a reality that is worse than pathetic. It is tragic.

Posted by: dare2bare | December 24, 2009

Major new book by Woeser details pictorial evidence of a Tibet ravaged by China

Woeser’s new book of her Fathers photographs details  the terrible destruction wrought on  Tibet by China’s communist party.

Ten years ago, near the end of 1999, the Chinese author Wang Lixiong received a package from a young woman of Tibetan origin named Tsering Woeser. It contained several hundred black-and-white negatives.

“The negatives are of pictures taken by my father, who died in 1991,” she wrote in an accompanying letter. “They are of Tibet during the Cultural Revolution. I am aware of how extremely important they are, but I have no idea what use to make of them. I have never met you, but I have read what you have written about Tibet, and I present you with these negatives in the belief that you might be able to make some effective use of them.”

Wang replied that he would be more than happy to help her, but that the process of bringing such a crucial witnessing of history into the public eye should not be left to someone like him, an ethnic Chinese, adding, “You should take this on yourself.”

 Woeser, who has since become a major poet and a significant spokesperson of her people’s plight, published a Chinese-language book in Taiwan in 2006 containing many of those photos, together with a detailed and highly informative narrative that not only elucidates their context and import, but also tells the story of the Tibetan nation devastated by its Chinese overlords during the so-called Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-76).

Last month, this book was published in Japanese by Shukousha. Having just finished reading its 410 pages, I am still reeling from what is one of the most fascinating documents of recent history I have ever encountered.

In Chinese, the title of the book is “Shajie,” which is rendered — in a highly unusual combination of kanji characters — as “Sakko” in Japanese. As Woeser explains in her foreword, the ko of sakko is a Buddhist term for eternity. Since the first character is the one for “to kill,” perhaps a faithful rendering of the title’s meaning into English would be, “The Eternal Cycle of Killing.”

A look at this eternal cycle is instructive in putting the ravages brought about by the Cultural Revolution in Tibet into context.

The current communist regime in China is not the only one of that country’s governments to wreak havoc on Tibet. Throughout the first half of the 20th century, successive Chinese governments invaded Tibet and regions in western Sichuan in order to “subdue” the ethnic population there.

During the communists’ disastrous, self-styled Great Leap Forward (1958-61), however, the Chinese government put down rebellions in those regions and inaugurated a regime in which private property was largely banned, more than 6,000 monasteries were denuded of their treasures and their religious objects, and land holdings were confiscated. Add this to the devastation wrought in the late 1960s and early ’70s, and the result is that fewer than a dozen Tibetan monasteries in the country have survived largely unscathed.

Woeser’s father had been an officer in the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, and as such had access to both public events and private incidents. Whether it was his intention or not, he documented what his daughter subsequently called — in a poem titled “Tibet’s Secret” — “a Hell that’s all too real.”

The naive young rural workers and ecstatic city youths who made up the bulk of Chinese leader Mao Zedong’s Tibetan Red Guards are shown in numerous photos, shouting as they raise their little red books (“Quotations of Chairman Mao”) in the air. Even children with red neckerchiefs to match their books were recruited into the cause of “destroying before you can rebuild.” Processions of middle-school pupils in Lhasa wielding steel broomsticks on their way to a temple are little soldiers advancing in the cause of smashing the so-called Four Olds.

The Four Olds earmarked for destruction were supposedly old ways of thinking, culture, morals and customs. In Tibet, naturally, the focus of this campaign was to be the religious establishment that had been the cornerstone of Tibetan cultural and social life for more than a millennium.

A photo on page 59 of Woeser’s book is telling. It shows a temple courtyard strewn with smashed religious objects, while young Tibetan Red Guards stand around with the long steel sticks in their hands. Behind them can be seen older “supervisors,” probably Chinese, whose job it was to egg on the young zealots. Another photo shows a burning of books such as we have all seen before.

For her book, Woeser conducted scores of interviews with people who witnessed the events of the time. These are integrated well into the visual narrative, forming a harrowing record of the politics of frenzy.

There are many photos here of people branded as enemies of the state — including monks, nuns, so-called bourgeois elements and ordinary citizens — being paraded in front of the masses, some of whom were wearing elaborate traditional gear it would rarely have been their custom to don. All of these “enemies” were humiliated publicly and punished, their lives destroyed; and among them are more than a few who were tortured and executed for the crime of being associated with a past deemed decadent, dangerous and useless.

Tibet was of supreme strategic importance to Chairman Mao as China’s southwest fortress to protect the homeland against American imperialism, Soviet revisionism and Indian reactionaries. The many photos in this book showing Tibetans clutching and displaying portraits of The Great Helmsman of the Revolution attest to both his supreme power over the minds and behavior of the people and to the propaganda value placed on this iconic ritual. It is in these photos that Woeser’s father’s dual role of objective chronicler and serving propagandist rears its ambiguous head.

The photo of Zhang Guohua (1914-72), secretary of the Tibet Committee of the Communist Party of China at the time of the Cultural Revolution, is a prize beauty. In Kim Jong Il-style shades, this leading comrade is shown addressing a crowd of some 50,000 impassioned revolutionaries in August 1966 with mouth as agape as a La Scala tenor’s, singing the praises of a policy that will shatter bourgeois and reactionary elements so thoroughly “they will not reappear till the end of time.” Ironically, time in Tibet ran out for Zhang much earlier than that when, in May 1967, physically and mentally exhausted from the roughshod trials he had put Tibet through, he was transferred elsewhere.

The author of this remarkable book ended up not only meeting Wang Lixiong but marrying him. Both have dedicated their creative lives to the peaceful formation of genuine democracy in China. Wang, who had been living in the United States, returned to Beijing last month, and the two are now together there. Woeser, denied a passport by the Chinese government, has taken the amazingly courageous step of suing it for withholding this right from her.

In her collection of poetry, “Tibet’s True Heart,” translated beautifully by A.E. Clark, she speaks of Derge, or Dege, in the Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in western Sichuan Province, the town in which her father was born and died. One verse reads: Derge, ancestral home! / Would that it meant nothing / Would that no road led there!

This book, with her father’s photographs, is a testament to the fact that the Tibetan homeland and its people do, in fact, mean something to her: the world.

No army or government can, in the long run of history, match that.

Posted by: dare2bare | December 21, 2009

Could carving up provinces happen in China?

By Chris Devonshire-Ellis

Following last week’s news from India that the state of Andhra Pradesh would be split up, with the northern portion going to create a new state of Telangana, I was left to think, could the same thing happen in China?

India is actually a relatively new country, its current form only being finalised several years after the end of British rule. Some regions of India — including that of Telangana — were never actually part of the British rule and remained independent from the British, having sufficient political clout and wealth to maintain erstwhile independence from the Raj, while the most recent Indian State of Sikkim was only formally made part of India in 1975. This last piece of the current Indian jigsaw was formally recognised by the entire United Nations interestingly with the exception of China, which protested as it viewed Sikkim as an independent state and viewed its absorption into India as illegal. That position is linked to the perennial Sino-Indian matter over Tibet, which over the centuries had occasionally claimed part of northern Sikkim as its own as borders waxed and waned.

However recent the actual Union of India is, the current map of China has also only recently been defined following border skirmishes with India (largely over Tibet again), Vietnam and Russia. That said, with Tibet being part of modern China since 1959, both countries have major border areas only properly defined within the last 40 years or so. With such young, and in several cases still disputed, borders to protect and politically justify, the position over borders may not actually be the spark that ignites confusion as has seemingly occurred with Andhra Pradesh.

The answer more likely lies in what some would describe as one of the weaknesses of the democratic system — the right to free speech. The issue over Telangana has been simmering for decades, ever since the then state of Hyderabad was subsumed along with the state of Andhra into contemporary Andhra Pradesh in 1956. Since then, the local Telanganese, with their Islamic background, own language and distinct culture, have felt increasingly marginalised as traders and businessmen, largely Hindus, poured into the state for jobs, commerce and trade. The region is India’s rice basket. And the capital, Hyderabad has become a global centre for IT and software development.

Discontent, a largely parochial train of thought, and a belief that “outsiders” were taking the best of the jobs, income and natural resources is always a magnet for the politically astute, and within India’s democratic framework, dissent began to be fomented and spread. The stakes are high — Hyderabad is India’s fifth largest city. The equivalent behaviour in China would be an errant mayor in Chengdu going on hunger strike to force the State Council to declare part of Sichuan an autonomous region.

However, the Chinese would not put up with such behaviour. Unrest would be quelled, by military force if necessary, and the working apparatus of government swiftly restored. Peace on the streets — as in Lhasa and Urumqi where peace was forcibly restored — and what the Chinese label “social stability” is paramount. Whether the protagonists of democracy like it or not, order is maintained, even if it is under the barrel of a gun.

Therein is the great truth of the political experiment that both India and China represent. While India maintains its democracy and free speech, the riots and unrest in Andhra Pradesh and Hyderabad could conceivably boil over into killings, murder and unrest not just in that state, but also in next door Tamil Nadu, where the Tamils are also hankering after greater autonomy. What has begun as a small, one off piece of acknowledgement of the rights of the dispossessed Telanganese has the potential to turn very bloody, very fast. In China, such behaviour would result in a swift crackdown, the patrolling of the streets by the military, and any activists responsible being jailed for a very long time. It’s a classic example of a democratic model against a totalitarian state.

The question these recent events pose therefore is to ask whether an Indian democracy at all costs is preferable to a benevolent, military-backed, one party dictatorship?

About the author

Chris Devonshire-Ellis is the publisher of 2point6billion and founding partner of Dezan Shira & Associates

Posted by: dare2bare | December 11, 2009

China, Tibet & Maoism

Editorial  Posted On Wednesday, December 09, 2009

On the issue of the Dalai Lama’s visit to Arunachal, Beijing seems to have discarded all norms of decorum and decency, not to speak of diplomatic propriety. Otherwise she should not have reminded India of 1962, when her forces treacherously attacked Indian border guards across the Tibet-Arunachal border, not prepared for such action, and scored a few military victories.
China betrayed Nehru’s strong faith in ‘Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai’, forgot India’s role in gracefully withdrawing her garrisons from Lhasa and Gyantse in 1950 to facilitate the PLA’s taking over of Tibet and also her role in the early 1950s, when she was treated as an outcaste by western powers in her strong advocacy of China’s entry to the United Nations and in providing escort services to Third World gatherings such as the Bandung meet of the non-aligned nations and in strongly advocating China’s case for admission to the UN (1955).
It is widely believed that this betrayal caused Nehru’s cardiac stroke in 1963 and his untimely death in 1964. From then on China went on a steady anti-India policy even to the extent of abandoning her earlier neutral stand over Jammu & Kashmir, and shamelessly supporting Pakistan’s case by a bland letter issued on 6 July 1962 informing New Delhi that Beijing did not recognize India’s sovereignty over J&K. She further informed that she was constructing a road in Ladakh to connect Tibet with Sinkiang. 
This was followed by systematic attacks on Indian border outposts in both Ladakh and NEFA. India was found unprepared to take on the Chinese army, fully prepared to launch attacks. The Chinese advanced up to Bomdila on 19 November 1962, and declared unilateral withdrawal to their borders on 21 November, not giving the Indians a chance for a retaliatory strike.
But 1962 in a way was a blessing in disguise for India. She was compelled to pay attention to the defence of her northern borders and to start equipping her Armed Forces, both equipment-wise and organisationally. Thanks to the Indian Army’s preparedness and alertness along the Himalayan border, China did not needle India again. Even in 1971, when she had promised to Pakistan to come to her support, she did not, thanks to India’s preparedness and its military pact with the Soviet Union, which would have brought Moscow’s forces in support in any eventuality caused by China’s rash action. 
But once again Beijing seems to have reverted to a phase of jingoism. The reported border incursions are only a small part of its deeper agenda. Not only is she hobnobbing with India’s neighbours like Myanmar, jingoistic elements in Sri Lanka’s army and the Maoists in Nepal, but is allowing articles to be published in her blogues encouraging secessionism in India (not contradicted by any official disclaimer). From the letters written by Pakistan’s nuclear scientist AQ Khan it is clearly established that it was China which provided it with both enriched uranium and some needed equipment in order to build Islamabad’s nuclear capacity obviously directed against India.
And now it transpires from Union Home Ministry sources that much of the small arms used by the so-called Maoists here are of Chinese origin. If this is true, New Delhi should lodge a strong protest with Beijing. China’s aggressive military and diplomatic postures have to be linked up with her obvious efforts to support and equip the so-called Maoists or Naxalites, who have made their presence felt across India like a dagger, from Nepal borders through Jharkhand, Chhatisgarh, West Bengal and Orissa to Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra.  India has thus also to fight a war within.
All this proves, if any more proof is needed, that Beijing has embarked on a mission to destabilize India. And, all this at a time when both nations are clearly competing for higher economic growth in a recession-hit world. However, China has a distinct edge largely because she does not have to contend with the formalities of an elected democratic system. New Delhi should sit up and take whatever corrective steps are necessary, not allow a repeat of 1962.
India’s Armed Forces must be provided whatever they need to defend its borders and to deal a crushing blow to all intruders, as the Vietnamese did to their big neighbour a few years ago. The Naxalites must be put down firmly and the common people won over. The firmness shown by Home Minister Chidambaram must be welcomed. Also, a ‘tit for tat’ policy of real politic is called for in reply to China’s straw-in-the-wind efforts to provoke secessionism in our country.  Importantly, there is need for a change in our policy on Tibet supporting Dalai Lama’s pleas for Tibet’s autonomy and demilitarization subject to Beijing’s overall sovereignty.
No policy is there for all time to come. Nations need to change policies, taking into account important changes in the situation prevailing at a particular time.  After all China also did a volte face with regard to her policy on the status of J&K in order to needle India and encourage Pakistan.  There is nothing wrong in New Delhi taking a stand that, in the light of her experience with the Chinese occupation of Tibet, systematic border violations and suppression of the Tibetan population and their replacement by Hans, India no longer supports China’s military occupation of Tibet.
Beijing must negotiate with the Dalai Lama and allow him and his fugitive government to return to Tibet on honourable terms. Unfortunately, the recent US-China joint communiqué, suggesting Chinese mediation in Indo-Pak dispute has come as a damper. It is uncalled for and invalid.  How President Obama was tricked into signing this remains mysterious. Neither the US nor China had any business to arrogate to Beijing some sort of super power status. India will never accept this and its Foreign Ministry has already reacted strongly. Kashmir is an Indo-Pak dispute, and there is no case for any third party mediation. Happily, there was no reference to this communiqué during Dr. Manmohan Singh’s recent visit to Washington.
China’s support to the Maoists, wherever they are, has been suspected all along. What is very new is the confession of some of the ULFA leaders, now in custody, that they received lot of financial assistance, military hardware and training in China. It is necessary that our government confronts Beijing with all this evidence and seek its explanation. Even the dissident groups in Nagaland receive support from China and openly admit it. Thus, in the face of such overwhelming evidence, India cannot afford to treat China in the same spirit as in the good old days of ‘Hindi-Chini Bhai-Bhai’.
We have to confront China boldly with all instances of open encouragement to dissident elements inside India and at the same time try to seek international support. Unfortunately, China’s economy has prospered beyond all expectations. Significantly, the US economy has become inter-linked with China’s economy. For 60 per cent of China’s exports are to the US and 2/3rd of China’s foreign exchange is tucked in the US as treasury bills. Thus, in dealing with China one cannot expect that the US will not come to its support. This is an unfortunate development of modern times. But there is hope. There are other countries, European, who can come to support India’s stand.
Dr Nitish Sengupta, INFA

Posted by: dare2bare | December 9, 2009

 

 

 

Dalai Lama: A humble man with a message for us

BY ALISON ANDREWS

09 Dec, 2009 11:47 AM

HE travels with all the trappings of royalty. He is treated with the same reverence as the Pope. A pack of bodyguards accompany His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in his travels around the world, often in Australia, most recently in Tasmania, yesterday.

 His public appearances are planned with the precision of a military operation – organisation on the grand scale for huge events attended by thousands of people by an army of behind-the-scenes workers, mostly voluntary, there for the thrill of serving the exiled spiritual leader.

 Australian international cycling champion Cadel Evans was one of them this time, turning his back on training for a day to travel to Hobart to be master of ceremonies for the two hour-long public lectures by the man he admires as one of the world’s great leaders.

 But such is the Dalai Lama’s charm that despite a reputation as an international leader, the 74-year-old still speaks as a humble man.

 While many of the more than 3500 people from around Tasmania sat in slow Hobart traffic jams for more than an hour to get to see him, the Dalai Lama told a pre-event media conference:

 ”I want to introduce myself to you as just a human being – you and I are the same,” he said.

 While his arrival in the Derwent Entertainment Centre press room was more tightly guarded than a visit by the Prime Minister, he described a spartan personal existence including five hours a day spent in private meditation.

 And there is little in his appearance to tell a different story.

 His shoes under the trademark maroon and yellow robes of a Buddhist monk are sturdy, brown, lace-ups.

 One brown, well muscled arm is bare except for the international traveller’s emblem – old vaccination marks.

 Yet looks, even when you are the Dalai Lama, can be deceiving.

The plain-dressed, holy man is as contemporary in his knowledge of world issues as the young people of the 21st century whom he tries to advise:

•On climate change and the Copenhagen summit:

 ”I think that sometimes national economic issues are the most important so that the global issue sometimes becomes secondary and global responsibilities are lacking,” he said. “But I think governments now take more seriously global warming.”

 He talked of research on his Tibetan homeland that describes it as the world’s third polar region because of its potential effect on global warming.

 The Dalai Lama said that the rivers that start in its high mountain plateaus provide water for a huge part of the world’s population.

 There have been predictions that if present conditions continued within 30-40 years, some of the rivers that start in Tibet will run dry.

 ”So now those major rivers that cover all of Asia from China to Pakistan, which are the basis of human beings’ life – it is not just a concern for the local people but for all the people, it is something that needs protection from that (global warming).”

 •On his hope for an improved relationship between Tibet and China, the country responsible for his exile more than 50 years ago:”If we use common sense – Tibet and China have for 1000 years been a neighbour – sometimes very good relations, sometimes very bad relations – this moment, bad relations,” he said.

 ”This bad relations is in nobody’s interest so we must stop it.

 ”Many people particularly writers, intellectuals from both countries very, very eager to find a mutual solution. Chinese Government less willing to find a solution but China is changing, a little bit less arrogant so we will see.”

 The Dalai Lama says that he is sure he will see Tibet as a free country again in his lifetime.

 ”But that does depend on how long I live,” he added, chuckling.

 ”If I live just two months then I can’t see. If I live 10 years, I think this very possible.”

 •On his advice to today’s young people:

 ”My generation belong to the 20th century – in that century more than 200 million human beings have been killed, that’s a century of bloodshed and violence,” he said.

 ”This century must be the century of peace – it does not mean that there will no longer be problems, that’s bound to happen.

 ”But there will be no solution without dialogue so it must be a century of dialogue.

 ”It is up to the younger generation.”

 Denison Labor MHA Lisa Singh was one of a number of people to have a private meeting with the Dalai Lama before the community event.

 An excited Ms Singh, a long-time admirer, said afterwards that they had talked about climate change and the Dalai Lama had presented her with a long, cream, Tibetan scarf.

Greens leader Bob Brown introduced the Dalai Lama to an auditorium packed with people.

Senator Brown said that the Dalai Lama came from a land of terrible repression with no freedom, a place where even having his photograph could see a citizen sent to jail.

 ”He comes from the great plateau of the planet – he won a Nobel Peace Prize which extends beyond peace to his love of this beautiful, blue planet,” Senator Brown said.

 St Helens District School English and social studies teacher Steven Park led a group of 20 students from the East Coast town to the event. The Dalai Lama and his entourage flew to Melbourne last night to continue his 10-day Australian lecture tour.

Posted by: dare2bare | December 2, 2009

 

Tongkor shooting survivor reaches exile with a harrowing tale

Tuesday, December 01 2009 @ 10:11 pm UTC

Dorjee Rinchen, 18, a monk survivor from last year’s Tongkor Monastery shooting incident recently came into exile, testified to the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) about his harrowing near death experience when a huge contingent of Chinese security forces indiscriminately fired at peaceful protesters in Tongkor, Kardze County on 3rd April 2008.

Last year on 2nd April 2008, a protest flared up in Tongkor Monastery (Ch: Donggu) in Zithang Township, Kardze County, Kardze “Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture” (“TAP”), Sichuan Province, with the arrival of official “work team” to conduct “patriotic education” campaign in the monastery. Under the “patriotic education” campaign, it requires monks to denounce the Dalai Lama, to oppose “hostile separatist forces”, signing documents displaying their allegiance to the Communist Party and its policies inside Tibet.

On 3rd April 2008, a huge contingent of People’s Armed Police “PAP” and Public Security Bureau (“PSB) in about hundred military trucks arrived at Zithang Township, where Tongkor Monastery is located. Chinese security forces along with “patriotic education” work team raided residences of monks, vandalized the photos of the Dalai Lama, Tongkor Shabdrung Rinpoche and Panchen Lama. The actions by the “work team” triggered protest by monks who refused to undergo “patriotic education” session. In ensuing moments, the protest broke out when two Tibetans, one a senior monk and another a lay man were detained following their opposition and refusal to adhere and undergo “patriotic education” campaign.

Subsequently in the same evening, hundreds of strong monastic community, also joined by local Tibetans marched towards County government headquarters to demand the immediate release of Geshe Tsultrim Tenzin and layman Tsultrim Phuntsok. The protesters left the scene after being assured by Chinese officials that the two detained Tibetans would soon be released by 8 PM of 3 April 2008. However, when Chinese authorities failed to honour their promise, the protesting Tibetans returned for the protest march but on the way they were confronted by a heavy presence of “PAP” and “PSB” officials, which later developed into a scuffle.

Soon Chinese security forces fired live ammunitions at the protesting Tibetans, resulting in the death of at least 14 known Tibetans and injuring scores. The official mouthpiece, Xinhua, admitted the incident having being taken place but described it as a “riot”, mentioning only about an injury of one government official all together skipping the deaths, arrests and injuries inflicted on Tibetans. One of the survivors, an eye-witness of the Tongkor massacre who previously sustained and now recovered from a severe gunshot injury had recently arrived at Dharamsala, testified to the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) on 27 November 2009. TCHRD believes that there are hundreds of Tibetans, who have similar accounts of horrifying human rights abuses and violations like one underwent by Tongkor Dorjee Rinchen trapped inside Tibet.

In the light of this, TCHRD appeals to the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC), international community and civil societies to take urge the Chinese government to secure their releases, provide injured with much needed medication, and respect the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people.

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